With the benefit of hindsight,
for some people today it can be difficult to
understand the policy of appeasement which was
generally followed by Great Britain and France
towards Nazi Germany before the outbreak of the War.
Nevertheless, to try and come to an understanding as
to why, during the 1930's appeasement was so
incredibly popular, in the eyes of the British
public at large and made Chamberlain an overnight
hero, one must look at the contemporary perceptions
the French and, especially, British people had of
the Treaty of Versailles and the situation of
post-World War I Germany in Europe. It is commonly argued that
Chamberlain made, what seemed to be at the time, a
sensible decision, not only as a democratically
elected politician, but as the leader of a country
which was starting to find itself entangled in the
start of another European war for which, it was felt
at the time, both of the major Western Democracies
were not military, financially and psychologically
prepared. For a democratically elected politician,
the policy of appeasement made perfect sense. If
there was one golden opportunity of raising one's
political popularity to being a public hero
overnight and attempting to delay, even
perhaps prevent completely, another European
conflict for which Britain and France were not
prepared in the middle to late 1930's, then this was
it!
It must not be forgotten that,
unlike the leaders of the Western Democracies,
Hitler did not need to worry as directly about
public popularity ratings. He was the Führer and it
could not be doubted that during the 1930's Hitler's
popularity went from strength to strength! This gave
Hitler an advantageous freedom in decision making,
especially with regard to foreign policy and the
speed at which his decisions could be implemented.
When looking at the reasons as to why Chamberlain
followed the foreign policy of appeasement towards
Hitler, we must consider the fact that he had to
take into account public opinion at the time.
Firstly, it was quite clear that the overall public
sentiment in Britain wished to avoid another war.
Secondly, whether a realistic view or not, it was
generally considered that Britain was not prepared
for a European war. Thirdly, even in the Western
Democracies, the Treaty of Versailles, St. Germain,
Locarno and the agreements which followed the end of
World War I were now generally seen by the public at
large as an unjust settlement towards Germany and
other parts of Central Europe. If the Weimar
Republic had continued to follow the agreements at
Versailles and Hitler had not come to power, "it is
now estimated that Germany would not have been able
to complete the financial reparations until 1984!"
(Sanders P34 1979) It was perceived that it was not
so much a peace treaty as a treaty granting France
time to recover from war and at a later date resume
it.
In the first instance, Adolf
Hitler could not only find support amongst the
German population, but also a relatively sympathetic
audience amongst the British and French, when he
started to break the agreements of the Treaty.
Therefore, we can see that Hitler could, and
did, take complete advantage of the untenable
situation in which the Treaty of Versailles left
central Europe, and specifically Germany, at this
period in history. One of the reasons often brought
forward which considers why appeasement was chosen
was that no one was generally willing to take up
arms in defence of Versailles, as public opinion
would not have allowed it. France had occupied the
Rhineland, due to Germany's incapability of meeting
economic reparation targets set after the First
World War. Hitler wanted this to end. A war over the
re-occupation of the Rhineland would not win
Chamberlain an election, so it must be taken into
consideration that Government policies had,
generally, to reflect public opinion. It was also
not very credible, in many people's eyes, as the
Rhineland was considered rightfully to belong to the
Germans anyway!
Another reason why appeasement
seemed such a credible choice at the time to
Chamberlain was primarily the fact that Britain
simply lacked the military capability to fight a
land war in Europe. The more powerful British navy
was of lesser use in fighting a continental war and
the army was generally trained to fight imperial
wars outside Europe. Only the British air-force
could be seriously considered as being specifically
designed to fight in European wars.
On the 15th of March 1935, Hitler
starts to form his German air-force or Luftwaffe,
even though he is acting directly in contradiction
to the Treaty of Versailles. On the 16th of March,
the next day, he introduces military conscription. A
year later Hitler feels confident enough for the
second step; on the 17th of March 1936 German troops
re-occupied the Rhineland, again breaking the
Treaty. One can clearly see, from this situation
until right up to the start of the war in 1939, the
French fear that a large military conflict could
arise out of the situation, and the fact that public
opinion was against intervention. Therefore, the
French army did not re-occupy the Rhineland.
Adolf Hitler had successfully
violated the Treaty of Versailles. The next step
that would be taken concerned the annexation of
Austria or the Anschluß. Again this was an extreme
violation of section 80 of the Treaty of Versailles
and, for Austria, section 88 of the treaty of St.
Germain.
The Anschluß idea was not
something merely typical of the National-Socialists.
Adolf Hitler was born in Branau an der Inn in
Austria and had always been an advocate of the
Anschluß. The democratic republican governments of
Germany and Austria had previously played with the
thought of the two countries uniting. Both republics
had already tried to open the road for unification
in 1919. The Western Democracies took steps to
prevent it that time. This also happened with
the attempt at founding an Austro-German customs
union. Despite this, however, manifold organisations
for Austro-German unification could be found with
popular support in both countries during the
inter-war period. This was especially understandable
with regard to Austria! After the collapse of the
Austro-Hungarian Empire, the Austrians found
themselves with a comparatively small country with a
giant capital city. Vienna was suitable for a big
empire, but not for a small country. "Out of the 6,5
million Austrians, one third lived in the
capital!" (Brooke P193 1980)
After Hitler's rise to power on
the 30th of January 1933, the Anschluß was given a
big stimulus and became a typical national-socialist
aim. After the Ansluß on the 12th of March 1938,
National-Socialism had triumphed. Again the treaties
of St. Germain and Versailles had been violated. A
strong central Europe under German rule, which the
conference at Paris had wished to avoid, was once
again becoming a reality. Any firm reaction from the
international community did not really materialise.
France was more preoccupied with internal affairs.
On the 10th of March (two days before the Anschluß)
the French socialist Léon Blum became Prime Minister
of France with a government which consisted of a
coalition, including French communists. France was
going through a period of extreme political
instability! An important reaction which would have
deep running implications for the direct future came
six days after the Anschluß. On the 18th of March
1938 a request was made by the Soviet Union towards
the Western Democracies for collective action
against Adolf Hitler. Prime-Minister Neville
Chamberlain answered that he did not find it wise to
form war coalitions at a time when this could
increase the chance of, and hasten, a big military
conflict. This was a reply, which would later, with
hindsight, be of great historic significance. This
answer was typical of the confusion the Western
Democracies had.
The Anschluß of Austria had been
a success. At the annual Nazi gathering in
Neuremburg in September of the same year, many
expected a mass celebration of the birth of the
larger Greater German Reich, with Austria now
included, being part of the Reich as "Ostmark". This
was, indeed, how it began, but at the last day of
the gathering Adolf Hitler announced his next
planned actions. They were aimed at Czechoslovakia.
"Reeling from the shock of the Anschluß, British and
French leaders now had to face demands from Sudeten
leaders for the incorporation of all German-speaking
Czech subjects into Germany." (Ruth P32 1985)
Like with the Anschluß, Hitler
proclaimed his wish to unite all German speaking
people under one nation. Czechoslovakia was a young
and artificially constructed state. The country
mainly consisted of two parts of the
Austro-hungarian Empire and, in the eyes of the
Western Democracies, was meant to help prevent the
rise of a strong German dominated central Europe.
The population generally consisted of Czechs and
Slovaks, but also consisted of Hungarians, Poles,
Jews and many Sudeten- or ethnic-Germans. Of the
fourteen million inhabitants there were three
million people of German dissent. They lived around
the border areas of Bohemia and Monravia. When
Czechoslovakia had been created a natural border was
sought and the chain of mountains between Germany
and Bohemia was chosen. The Sudeten-Germans were not
all that popular in the new republic. After the big
crisis of 1929, the ideas of the national-socialist
Konrad Henlein started to gain popularity with this
German minority. This being in a country ruled by
slavic people, which, in the past, had been ruled by
a German majority under the monarchy of
Austro-Hungary! Konrad Henlein's "Sudeten Deutsche
Partei", financed and encouraged by the Third Reich,
quickly grew to a sizable revolutionary element in
the Czechoslovakian democratic system. They claimed
that the Sudeten-Germans were oppressed by Prague
and were persecuted and treated unjustly. In 1938,
Hitler announced that he would help them!
Chamberlain decided to attempt to
try and resolve the dispute. Lord Runciman was sent
to Prague to discuss with the Czechoslovakian
government how the wishes of the Sudeten-Germans
could be met. It was clear that the country now
found itself in an extremely unstable and explosive
situation. Prime Minister Neville Chamberlain took a
significant step towards setting his appeasement
initiative into practice. On the 15th of September
1938 the Prime Minister in person travelled to
Hitler's mountain retreat at Berchtesgaden to meet
him
Hitler wanted the immediate
annexation of the areas in which the Sudeten-Germans
lived. Chamberlain asked for more time to discuss
the matter with his political colleagues. On the
20th of September he travelled to Germany for a
second time, this time to meet Hitler in Bad
Godesberg. Chamberlain advised the Führer that Great
Britain and France had let the government in Prague
know they would advise Czechoslovakia to let the
areas of the Sudeten-Germans be annexed. It was with
some relief, that the Western Democracies noted
Benito Missolini's proposal for a conference
consisting of Germany, Italy, France and Britain, to
try and get a peaceful solution to the dispute.
Thereupon, on the 26th of September, Adolf Hitler
held a speech at Berlin in order to make it easier
for the Western Democracies to accept his wishes.
Three days later Hitler, Mussolini, Chamberlain and
Daladier met in Munich. The Czechoslovakian
government was not present. It was decided that the
German army would cross the Czechoslovakian border
on the 1st of October 1938 and take possession of
the areas where there was a German majority.
Following the decisions made at the conference, all
four countries would agree to respect and protect
the new Czechoslovakian borders. On top of this
Great Britain and Germany signed a joint peace
declaration. Returning to
Heston Airport Neville
Chamberlain left his aircraft with one hand
clutching his umbrella and the other the
Anglo-German declaration, proclaiming the famous
words "peace in our time".
Amongst the Slovaks, Hitler found
a sympathetic ear and support from those who wished
to become independent from the Czech dominated
republic. Through immense German pressure on the
14th of March 1939 Slovak independence was
proclaimed and with this act the Czechoslovakian
Republic collapsed. German troops marched through
Bohemia and Monravia and Hitler proclaimed the area
a "Protectorate of the German Reich."
Prime Minister Neville
Chamberlain and a few of his colleagues made
comments, later on, which point to the fact that the
main aim of the "Munich" agreement was to gain extra
time as Britain was not ready for a war, neither
militarily nor economically. Britain certainly was
not ready for a war! Britain's weaknesses truly came
to light when conflict became inevitable, indeed, if
German ground troops had landed on the British
Isles, a decisive and swift German victory over
Britain would have been inevitable. Nevertheless, if
Chamberlain's aim at Munich was to stall for time,
then, if this argument is allowed to stand, it must
come under serous historical scrutiny, using the
benefit of hindsight.
According to Shirer "one of the
most important lines of defence available to the
Western Democracies, perhaps with the exception of
the Maginot-line in France, was that of the
Czechoslovakian-German border, which was virtually
given to Germany on a plate!" (Shirer) According to
what Churchill had written on the subject, he argues
that the Munich agreement actually put France and
Great Britain in an even more unfavourable position!
Another consequence of the fall
of Czechoslovakia was the signals this sent to
Stalin and the U.S.S.R. As already mentioned earlier
on in the essay, on the 18th of March 1938, a week
after the Anschluß, Stalin had proposed a coalition
against Hitler, which Chamberlain at that time
refused. After this the Munich agreement followed.
By handing over Czechoslovakia to Hitler, the superb
lines of defence the Czechoslovak army had erected
were now worthless. This seemed to send a clear
signal, in Stalin's mind, that "the West was
actually trying to help Hitler and make it easier
for him to push eastwards, towards Russia, for
"Lebensraum"!" (Snow P345 1976)
Not only must the views of
communist Russia be seriously taken into account, as
this massive country was going to play a decisive
role in the coming war, but the smaller, less
powerful countries in Eastern Europe must also be
considered. It must have been obviously clear to
many of the "would-be" allies of the Western
Democracies that previous written guaranties by
France may not be as reliable as they seem! The
Western Democracies' reputation in eastern Europe
had been heavily damaged by the, what in some eyes
at the time seemed as, "selling off" of
Czechoslovakia. Not only did this seriously
undermine the "trust" between the various smaller
states in eastern Europe and the Western Democracies,
but would have an effect on the future decisions
made by Poland, Slovakia, Romania, Hungary and
Russia, amongst others!
Then again, what signs did Hitler
himself see coming from the Western Democracies. The
pact with Russia had been signed, and the way had
been cleared, due to sovereignity disputes over the
Danzig corridor and his wish to unite all
German-speaking enclaves in Europe outside Germany,
for the Polish-German conflict to be militarily
resolved without Russia getting into the conflict on
the side of the West. Numerous sources from around
Hitler agree that he had NOT intended and did
NOT wish, that these events would lead to a
conflict between the Western Democracies and
Germany. When the French and British declarations of
war on Germany finally came, this sent shock waves
through even the highest ranks of the German
military. However, Poland had virtually been
defeated, therefore, the initial fears of the German
army having to fight a two-front war would, for the
time being, be resloved.
So, keeping all the previously
mentioned points in mind, my essay must conclude
that the policy of appeasement advocated and
followed by Chamberlain, amongst others, did not
come near to any of the intended aims laid out by
some of the initial supporters of this policy. It
did not help to overt the coming of a military
conflict. It sent out mixed and confusing signals to
both Hitler, Stalin and many of the smaller
countries in Central and Eastern Europe!
As a result of this, it seemed
Hitler and Stalin could understand each other better
than they could understand the aims and intentions
of the Western Democracies, thus enabling the
creation of a, what in the past had seemed
unthinkable, pact between the two countries. The
policy of appeasement helped to show the confused
state of leadership the Western Democracies were
suffering from. It helped to destroy the West's
reputation with Czechoslovakia and the other
potential western allies in Eastern Europe. It also
helped undermine moral in the French and British
armies before the War had even started. It gave
Adolf Hitler the full benefit of initiative and let
him use his skills on the international stage of
1930's world politics to his advantage.
Nevertheless, "British intervention left Hitler in a
quandary!"(Overy P48 1989) Why should Britain and
France get involved in a Polish-German conflict?
Especially after Czechoslovakia and the
"Munich" agreement!
Copyright ©
Alexander Merijn Koster 2005
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